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Freedom: The Mission of American Diplomacy

Remarks by Ambassador Michael Klosson
The Cyprus Alumni Fulbright Association,
The Cyprus Association of American University Graduates and
The Cyprus Turkish American Cultural Association
J. W. Fulbright Center, Buffer Zone
March 29, 2005

Tonight is significant on two counts. First, we are meeting in the J. W. Fulbright Center on the eve of the 100th anniversary of Senator Fulbright’s birth. That anniversary reminds us of Fulbright’s 43-year legacy in Cyprus. I very much welcome the key role this center has played in strengthening relations between the United States and Cyprus through educational exchange as well as in fostering ties among all Cypriots. Financial contributions by both the Republic of Cyprus and the United States to the Fulbright program reflect our common commitment to those noble purposes.

The fact that a gathering of Greek and Turkish Cypriots to hear a speech by an American diplomat is no longer considered a novelty is also, in part, testimony to this program’s fine work. We will continue to help, where we can, to deepen relationships between the communities that are beginning to be formed since the April 2003 opening of the Green Line.

Second, I am very pleased that the three organizations cosponsoring tonight’s event with the Cyprus Fulbright Commission—the Cyprus Fulbright Alumni Association, the Cyprus Association of American University Graduates and the Cyprus Turkish American Cultural Association – are discussing possible cooperation on future events of common interest. In particular, I salute the imminent establishment of the Cyprus Fulbright Alumni Association: Organizations such as yours are truly vital to the work of peace and reconciliation on this island and to closer U.S.-Cyprus relations. You can count on my active interest and the embassy’s full support.

Tonight I thought I would cast my net wider than the usual collection of issues that frame public discussion on this island.

A little later I will have a few things to say about matters closer to home, but I want to start off with American foreign policy priorities as President Bush begins his second term.

Many of you have studied in the U.S. or have some other connection with America, so some of my points will be familiar. Just as you made an effort to understand America, we Americans must do more to understand other cultures and more clearly articulate our views. I believe strongly that relations between America and other countries, including Cyprus, must be based on dialogue, not monologue. So, I’m interested in having a conversation with you and hearing your views as well.

Balance of Power Favoring Freedom

When Cyprus joined the European Union last May, it also joined the transatlantic partnership between the United States and Europe. That opened up a broader agenda of issues, creating new opportunities and new responsibilities. For example, Cyprus now is a member of the largest economic relationship in the world. The U.S. and the EU enjoy a 2 trillion dollar trade and investment relationship that has created millions of jobs on both sides of the Atlantic. At the same time, when we all shoulder our responsibilities, the transatlantic partnership has the power, like no other, to advance our common ideals, to promote peace and stability, and to encourage prosperity not only on this continent, but around the world. We look forward to the day when Cyprus will be able to reach its full potential as a strong, active partner within the EU, with the U.S. and in the region, the day when these opportunities and responsibilities can be shared by all Cypriots alike through a comprehensive solution.

So, as President Bush begins his second term, what are those opportunities and responsibilities?

We live in an era of great challenge, but also of great opportunity. September 11 drove home to us the long-term struggle we must wage against an ideology of terror and tyranny, hatred and hopelessness. Alongside the emergence of this lethal ideology, we have also seen in the past half-century the spread of democracy. In the past twenty-five years alone, the number of democracies in the world has tripled. Just look at recent democratic votes in Afghanistan, the Palestinian territories, and Iraq as well as the Rose revolution in Georgia and the insistence of Ukrainians that their democratic will be honored.

Under these circumstances, President Bush has said, “The advance of freedom is the calling of our time.” After all, the world is more secure when freedom prevails. In fact, advancing and encouraging the spread of freedom has always been America’s calling. These ideals, moreover, are not ours alone. They are cherished on each and every continent. They animate and empower the aspirations of people everywhere. Some people question, for example, whether democracy can flourish in Iraq or the Middle East. It can, and it will be brought about ultimately by the aspirations and hard work of people in that region. The same question has been raised in Asia about China and other countries. I know first-hand from my experience in Taiwan, which evolved from an authoritarian system in the 1970’s, when I lived in Taipei, into a fully functioning democracy now, that the desire of people to control their destiny is not unique to Western cultures or societies. The United States thus intends to use its diplomacy to help create a balance of power in the world that favors freedom, one that will deepen and extend the peace. By balance of power, I’m talking not only about military power, but also about economic power as well as the power of ideals and compassion.

To pursue this mission, as Secretary Rice has said, we intend to unite the community of democracies in building an international system that is based on shared democratic values and the rule of law. We will strengthen the community of democracies to fight the threats to our common security and alleviate hopelessness that feeds terror. And we will support the growth of freedom and democracy throughout the globe.

Partnership With Europe: Our Common Agenda

Looking to the west and north of Cyprus, NATO and the European Union are among our strongest partners in this mission. In her confirmation hearing, U.S. Secretary of State Rice underlined that her actions will be guided by the core conviction that alliances and multilateral institutions can multiply the strength of freedom-loving nations.

In their first trips abroad of the second administration, both President Bush and Secretary Rice traveled to Europe to consult with NATO, the European Union and our European partners. President Bush told European leaders in Brussels last month, “Together we can once again set history on a hopeful course…when Europe and America stand together, no problem can stand against us.”

We have been through a difficult period in American relations with some European countries, but now our governments are agreed: What took place in the past should stay in the past. Our message – that America stands ready to work with Europe on our common agenda – met a positive response from Europe. European leaders signaled their readiness to work with America. That means we need to adapt our common institutions – NATO, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and U.S.-EU cooperation – to new circumstances. We must confront the challenges of terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, regional conflict, organized crime, trafficking in persons and disease wherever freedom is challenged.

The early results of this renewed dialogue between the United States and our European partners are encouraging. The visits I mentioned earlier and their follow-up have underscored similar views on a variety of issues. On Iraq, for example, all 26 NATO allies committed to support training of Iraqi security forces. On Iran, we agreed that Iran should not have nuclear weapons. In fact, the U.S. responded positively to European requests that we more actively support French, German and British diplomacy to secure Iran’s compliance with its international obligations. Last week the EU General Affairs and External Relations Council welcomed Washington’s decision, after President Bush’s European trip, to drop its opposition to Iran’s WTO membership bid and to consider the sale of civil aircraft spare parts. On Lebanon, the United States and Europe stand united behind UN Security Council Resolution 1559 demanding that Syria should withdraw its forces and cease supporting the militias.

These positive results do not mean that we are agreed on all issues. That would be unrealistic. Talks between us continue, for example, on the possibility that the European Union may soon lift its 1989 arms embargo on China imposed after Beijing’s crackdown on students in Tienanmen Square. Given our role in defending the Pacific, we believe the European Union should do nothing to contribute to the possibility that Chinese forces might turn European technology against Americans.

So, as the second Bush administration unfolds, it is already clear that freedom and strengthening our international partnerships are at the forefront of American efforts.

Middle East Peace: Greatest Opportunity and Immediate Priority

Looking eastward from Cyprus, we see a region that presents some of the greatest challenges, but also provides the greatest scope for America and Europe to combine their efforts. We are working along three lines.

Broader Middle East Initiative: First, the United States and Europe have joined together to encourage political pluralism, economic openness and the growth of civil society through the broader Middle East initiative. We realize that democratic reform across the region must spring from within. It cannot be imposed from without. These homegrown efforts will proceed at different paces under different circumstances. But we each can assist in our own way.

For the United States, the flagship of the broader Middle East initiative is the Forum for the Future, encompassing nearly two dozen nations from Morocco to Pakistan as well as the United States and European Union. The Forum, which met for the second time at ministerial level last December in Rabat, is working to support and accelerate political, economic and educational reform.

In addition, the European Union is advancing modernization through the Barcelona Process while at the same time our own Middle East Partnership Initiative is sending the message of strong United States support for reform in the region. This presidential initiative funds over 100 programs in 14 countries, and supports innovative, sustainable, and locally led political, economic and educational reform in the Middle East and North Africa for all people, including women and youth.

Over the four years since its launch, the United States has committed $293 million. Recent initiatives developed by American nongovernmental organizations and funded by the program include union leadership training for Jordanian trade union women, business training for Tunisian and Algerian women, democratic leadership training for female Lebanese school teachers, and English-as-a-Foreign-Language and IT training in Jordan. These are all the kinds of things the government and various Cypriot groups could also sponsor. Our Middle East Partnership Initiative has thus helped put reform on the agenda throughout the region.

Afghanistan and Iraq: Second, we must build on recent successes by stabilizing and advancing democratic progress in Afghanistan and Iraq. Pictures of men and women waiting patiently in long lines to cast their votes in Afghanistan last October and this past January in Iraq demonstrate that the people of those two countries seek a democratic future. The success of freedom in Afghanistan and Iraq, in the heart of the Middle East, will give strength and hope to reformers throughout the region and accelerate the pace of reforms already underway. As President Bush said recently, “Every vote cast in Iraq was an act of defiance against terror, and the Iraqi people earned our respect.” So, we all have an interest in the success of a democratic Iraq at peace with its neighbors, one that will fight terror and be a source of stability in the region. In the coming months, Iraq’s newly elected assembly, which met for the first time two weeks ago, will form a transitional government, provide security, enhance basic services and write a democratic constitution. This enterprise deserves the support of freedom loving people everywhere, including in Cyprus.

Israeli – Palestinian Peace: Third, together with Europe, we are working to promote lasting peace between Israel, Arab countries and the Palestinians. We all know that we cannot live in peace and safety if the Middle East continues to produce ideologies of hatred and terrorists who seek deadly weapons. We take encouragement, however, from the January election of a new Palestinian leader. President Bush and Secretary Rice both have underscored their personal commitment to help Israelis and Palestinians seize the current opportunity to make peace – the best we are likely to see for years. Secretary Rice visited the parties on her first trip abroad in January, and then participated in the recent conference in London to help the Palestinian people.

America and Europe both support a two-state solution: an independent and democratic Palestinian state living side by side in peace with the State of Israel. And we all support the process of reform in the Palestinian Authority.

We seek justice and dignity and a viable, democratic state for the Palestinian people. We seek security and peace for the State of Israel. All parties have responsibilities to help bring about these new circumstances. Arab states must end incitement in their media, cut off funding for terrorism, stop supporting extremist education and normalize relations with Israel. Palestinian leaders must confront and dismantle terrorist groups, fight corruption and reform their institutions to ensure they represent the Palestinian people. Israel must freeze settlement activity, help Palestinians build a thriving economy and ensure that a new Palestinian state is truly viable, with contiguous territory on the West Bank.

We have no illusions that the road ahead will be easy. But we are hard at work. We have pledged $350 million for Palestinians to build democratic institutions dedicated to reform and to helping the people, particularly as they prepare for Israeli disengagement from Gaza and parts of the West Bank. We have invited Prime Minister Sharon and President Abbas to America this spring.

The Need for a Comprehensive Solution in Cyprus

We’ve looked to the west and we’ve looked to the east. Now, let’s focus now right here – on Cyprus.

The 1974 coup and Turkey’s military intervention were disastrous for the island and caused untold suffering to Cypriots from both communities. The resulting circumstances, including the substantially increased presence of foreign military forces on the island, are not an acceptable long-term solution. The United States has long opposed the militarization of the island.

The only realistic way to achieve the vision we all share -- that of a peaceful, stable and reunited Cyprus which puts behind it almost five decades of problems -- is through a comprehensive settlement negotiated by the parties under the auspices of the UN Secretary General’s Mission of Good Offices. We remain committed to supporting the UN Secretary General vigorously in pursuit of a settlement that will resolve all security concerns on the island and see the removal of foreign forces.

We are coming up on two anniversaries next month -- the first anniversary of the 2004 referenda on the UN settlement plan and the second anniversary of the 2003 opening of the Green Line. At the leadership level, the situation unfortunately remains stalemated. The passage of time does not work in favor of a solution. Developments create new complications. The number of Cypriots, for example, who have first-hand experience of Cyprus’ multicultural heritage continues to decline as the population ages. At a popular level, on the other hand, Greek and Turkish Cypriots are beginning to get back in touch and interact on a significant scale – about 7 million crossings of the buffer zone to date with no major inter-ethnic incidents. There is dialogue between political parties across the Green line.

United States policy on the Cyprus issue has been consistent since the referenda. We support the reunification of Cyprus on the basis of the UN Secretary General’s settlement plan and in a manner acceptable to majorities on both sides of the island.

Just as recently as February, the Secretary General again called on the parties to reflect on last year’s referenda and to come up with suggestions on how to move forward, including possible changes they seek in the plan. In particular, he urged the Greek Cypriot leader to convey his views on changes the Greek Cypriot side sought.

We support the Secretary General’s approach. The fundamental question before the international community remains the following: How can at least half of the Greek Cypriots who said “no” last April be encouraged to say “yes” without losing support of a majority of Turkish Cypriots? A realistic Greek Cypriot response to the Secretary General would make an important contribution to resuming progress toward a comprehensive solution.

Despite the current stalemate, the United States continues to help pave the way for a comprehensive settlement and reunification. In order to promote reconciliation and tolerance on the island, we support building bridges between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. For the past three months, we have been actively supporting, for example, match-making activities to help businesses take advantage of the Green Line regulation’s liberalization. This support has already helped businesses on both sides conclude a number of significant deals with many more at various stages of development.

Our support for easing the isolation of Turkish Cypriots should be been in this light. Reducing economic disparities between the two sides will enhance, not reduce, the prospects for reunification.

Improving the skills, standards and procedures in the north will enhance, not reduce, the workability of a solution. Our efforts over time should help the Turkish Cypriot community better shoulder its share of the economic costs of a settlement. Our measures will help address Greek Cypriot concerns that a settlement will be disproportionately and prohibitively expensive for the Greek Cypriot side. Our measures will also bolster support within the Turkish Cypriot community to continue to back a settlement and reunification.

Some have expressed concern about these steps. To them I say this: We say what we mean, and we mean what we say. We support a comprehensive settlement negotiated under UN auspices that will reunify Cyprus. There is no hidden agenda here.

Conclusion

In conclusion, let me note the third important anniversary coming up – the anniversary of Cyprus’ accession to the European Union. Although we all hoped for reunification by that time, it’s worth recalling that the United States long supported Cyprus’ EU accession and helped advance its prospects through active diplomacy at several junctures along the way.

Cyprus is now a member of the transatlantic partnership with a very broad common agenda, some of which I discussed this evening. We look forward to the day when Cyprus will be able to achieve its full potential in this partnership, the day when the opportunities and responsibilities of the partnership can be shared by all Cypriots alike through a comprehensive solution.